Travesti Günlükler
Travesti Günlükler
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[153] The former—led by Echazú—defended prostitution as a valid way of life, while the latter—led by Berkins—generally rejected it and mainly focused on the social recognition of their identities.[153] They sought to distance themselves from Cet's position that argued that in order to change the living conditions of travestis, they should first of all modify the image that society had of them, ignoring the issue of prostitution.[153]
İstanbul çalışkan pasif ap travestiler, İstanbul kendi evinde mülaki travestiler ile İstanbul eve otele gelen travestiler erkeklerin onları aramasını bekliyorlar.
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According to Argentine researcher María Soledad Cutuli, the most recent travesti ethnographies fall under five main axes of analysis: "gender identity", "corporeality and subjectivity", "health and sexuality", "prostitution and sociability" and, to a lesser extent, "political organization".[2] Faced with the phenomenon, researchers have generally proposed one of three hypotheses: that travestis constitute a third gender, that travestis reinforce one of the only two genders available in their society (masculine or feminine), or the perspective of authors who argue that travestis challenge the notion of binarism, but "far from being their proposal that of supernumerary or multiple genders, what they do seek is the deconstruction of the category of gender itself.
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In a 2012 research on Brazilian travesti immigrants in Barcelona, Spanish anthropologist Julieta Vartabedian Cabral suggested that travestis make their gender, highlighting the feminization of their bodies and sexual relationships kakım evidence.
[116] Among the research based on participant observation, French anthropologist Annick Prieur katışıksız been considered a pioneer for her 1998 ethnography on the travesti community from the suburbs of Mexico City, in which she argued that they reproduce their society's gender binarism.[9][2] Brazilian researchers Neuza Maria bile Oliveira and Hélio Silva—considered the founders of the ethnography about the daily life of Brazilian travestis—also aligned themselves in this view, birli did the latter's follower Marcelo José Oliveira.[2] Despite these authors' intention of increasing academic visibility to travestis, they have been widely criticized by their successors istanbul Travesti for using male pronouns when referring to them.[2]
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Furthermore, Kulick suggests that travestis—far from deviating from normative gendered expectations—may in fact distill and perfect the messages that give meaning to gender throughout Brazilian society and possibly throughout much of Latin America.
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